TALLINN, ESTONIA—Nearly all Western Internet users believe in the general principles of information-sharing that date back to the Enlightenment-era values of freedom of expression. Or, expressed more succinctly in the 20th century: information wants to be free.
But, says Keir Giles, a veteran Russia analyst at the Conflict Studies Research Center in the United Kingdom, the Kremlin doesn’t quite see things the same way.
“The main principles are reversed,” he said, speaking at the opening day of the International Conference on Cyber Conflict in the Estonian capital, which will continue throughout the week. “Whereas we [in the West] have a tendency to treat [cyber policy] in isolation, Russia and China take it more holistically, as part of information policy.”
Estonia, of course, suffered one of the best-known examples of cyberattacks—back in 2007, political, media, and financial websites were pummeled for two weeks. The following year, the NATO Cooperative Cyber Defence Centre of Excellence was founded in Tallinn. Not long after, in 2009, Konstantin Goloskokov, a commissar with the nationalistic Russian youth movement Nashi, admitted that the group had orchestrated the attacks. Given the decades of Soviet rule of Estonia during the 20th century, Russian foreign policy in all areas, both online and offline, is of particular interest there.
Giles explained that in recent months, Moscow has put forward three distinct Internet policy documents, which are essentially extensions of the “Information Security Doctrine of the Russian Federation” (2000), which has sentences like:
“The state’s interests in the information sphere consist of creating conditions for harmonious Russian information infrastructure development… the sovereignty and territorial integrity of Russia, and political, economic and social stability; the interests of the state also consist in the unconditional maintenance of law and order and in the promotion of equal and mutually advantageous international cooperation.”
In September 2011, Russia introduced the “Convention on International Information Security.” This lengthy document inspired a second related document, which has since received support from China, Uzbekistan, and Tajikistan and has been put forward at the United Nations, and largely argues for national interests driving Internet policy.

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